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“While parents winced, the media sneered and Germaine Greer baulked at their gobby, glittery brand of empowerment, for many young fans, the Spice Girls were the first time we'd seen our gender as something to be proud of.” (Bravo, 2018)
INTRODUCTION
The Spice Girls are well recognised as one of the most notorious groups of the twentieth century. Lauded for their statements of righteous ‘girl power’, the group’s arrival corresponded with the driven directive of 90s third-wave feminism. They remain celebrated as one of British music’s greatest commercial achievements and are synonymous with the phrase they preached throughout their career. However, it has also been argued that “some of the strongest, and most self-consciously clamorous voices of third-wave feminism are those emerging from ‘girl’ culture” (Gillis and Munford, 2004, p. 169). Whilst Riot Grrrl’s feminist position within art was bolstered by the anger of punk’s political agender, the Spice Girls’ who operated under the bracket of commercialised pop, were often criticised for missing the mark. The group were frequently exemplified as contradictory feminist icons, with critics commenting on their blatant relationship with commodification and consumer culture (Sheridan-Rabideau, 2009, p. 47). However, the Spice Girls’ brand of “watered down” feminism (Gillett, 2019) appealed to Britain’s young girls, and the group, with their peace signs and slogans, became inspirational symbols to millions. Twenty years later and now women of the fourth wave, these former Spice Girls fans praise the group for introducing feminism in a way which demystified the subject and made it largely more accessible.
This essay will explore how Spice came to its success as a teen-centric feminist album, by considering themes of identity, race and gender. We will investigate whether the Spice Girls’ “glittery brand of empowerment” (Bravo, 2018) really was significant in the progression of third-wave feminism, or whether as some conclude, it was just a mere commercial ploy.
THIRD WAVE ORIGINS
The troubles of women’s liberation tainted much of the twentieth century’s history, but the second wave of feminism forged ground-breaking advancements in worldwide statutes. As written by Hilden (1982, p. 501), women were aware that successful outcomes in their drive for socio-political change laid largely in their awareness of contextual and historical analysis, and the rise of voices such as Betty Friedan with The Feminine Mystique and Simone de Beauvoir’s Second Sex, gave great weighting in their fight for equality and liberation. However, where the second wave faltered to the third was largely in the considerations of women of colour. Throughout the sixties and seventies, black women were largely excluded from the driving forces behind the feminist movement (Grady, 2018), breeding the disparities which ultimately resulted in the backlash of the subsequent third wave.
The nineties movement adopted “personal narratives that illustrate an intersectional and multi-perspectival version of feminism” (Snyder, 2008, p. 175), progressing from the white, upper-middle-class theories which formed much of the second wave’s conclusions (Mack-Canty, 2004, p. 157/158). Events such as the Hill-Thomas case in the United States shone a light once again on the injustices women were faced within present society. Hill’s accusation of sexual assault against would-be Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, Clarence Thomas should have resulted in a fair and well-considered trial. But despite the mounting evidence against Thomas, the hearing found him clear of assault and he was later confirmed to his role within the US legal system. Anita Hill’s credibility had been doubted by the Senate, and she had faced rigorous questioning despite her position as not only the victim but a well-respected academic and former government employee. Her treatment had evoked mass outrage from women across the United States, and the following year, writer and activist Rebecca Walker wrote her era-defining article, Becoming the Third Wave, sparking the beginnings of the movement with her powerful admission:
While some may laud the whole spectacle for the consciousness it [the case] raised around sexual harassment, its very real outcome is more informative. He was promoted. She was repudiated. Men were assured of the inviolability of their penis/power. Women were admonished to keep their experiences to themselves. (Walker, 1992)
Here started the reformation of the feminist term, altered by empowerment discourses and the movement’s subsequent re-positioning from the established second-wave agenda. It has been widely acknowledged that music performs as a powerful indicator in illuminating society’s inequalities (Frith, 1991, p. 10). The underground Riot Grrrl culture had become a driving force in early nineties feminism, staking feminist territory before the Spice Girls' inception in 1994. Their alternative spelling of ‘girl’ allowed women to move away from the socialised ‘feminine’ connotations of the word (Rosenberg and Garofalo, 1998, p. 809), whilst also asserting their combatively political stance through active social channels. However, as the Spice Girls’ debut drew audiences of a younger demographic with the new, preppy connotations of ‘girl power’, the group became figureheads for the movement’s perpetuation within music and popular culture. Hallan (2018) noted that the group’s release of Spice showed a generation that they could be freely and truly themselves, upholding the key characteristic of the third wave movement with its visual relationship with identity and sexuality.
SPICE AND THE FORMATION OF GIRL POWER
To understand the record’s involvement with teen culture and the wider feminist efforts, it’s important to comprehend the musical paradigm in which the Spice Girls performed. Appealing largely to audiences of the ‘teeny-bopper’ demographic, their music adopted more light-hearted narratives whilst also sprinkling the beginnings of their feminist discussions. Melanie C described the difficulties the group faced during the early days of their career, commenting that they faced resistance from magazine editors who said that they wouldn’t be able to position them as cover stars because they, as women, would not be a lucrative selling point (Chisholm, 2018). Bolstered by the resistance experienced within the early days of their career, the group set to recreate a position for successful female girl groups within popular music. With Spicefocusing on themes of friendship and empowerment, the group were able to aid “adolescents in their search for individual as well as group identity and solidarity” (Lemish, 1998, p. 146). This reconsidered stance on feminism brought the complexities of such a significant movement to audiences who had previously been excluded from discussion. Spice, with its underlying message of ‘girl power’ allowed audiences to not only engage but also formulate their own personal interpretations. The group’s ‘girl power’ movement simplified the cross-ideological analysis which upheld feminist critique and discussion; “girl power gets knocked by some feminists but try giving The Female Eunuch to a pre-teen” (Cosslett, 2012). The Spice Girls had transcended the basic level of musical artistry and had become idols who presented a movement which fans could unite under and identify with.
As part of the wider third wave movement, the group illustrated a “new discourse [that] deconstructed and decentred the ideas of the second wave, producing new ways of understanding and framing gender relations” (Mann and Cuffman, 2005, p.87). The Spice Girls, picturing five ordinary women from different socio-economic backgrounds, and one proudly of mixed race, became a representative of those neglected within second wave studies. When coining the theory of intersectionality, Crenshaw argued that “any analysis that does not take intersectionality into account cannot sufficiently address the particular manner in which Black women are subordinated”, suggesting that the framework which previously situated women of colour within feminist studies must be reconsidered (Crenshaw, 1989, p. 140). Mel B’s depiction within the group is a subject discussed as part of a later chapter in this paper, however, her inclusion alongside the likes of Emma, from a working-class background, align the group with the mission of third wave, as well as Crenshaw’s qualifying statement of inclusivity. The group’s ability to move female liberation past an experience applied specifically to one category of women (white, middle class) brings the concept of intersectionality into the foreground of third and fourth wave studies (Neustaeter, 2017).
Within the track, Move Over from their later album Spiceworld, the group affirmed their endorsement of the girl power attitude by encouraging their audience to take control of their futures, “we’re sowing the seed, every colour every creed, teach never preach, listen up and take the heed...” (Genius, 2020). This statement encourages their young, female audience to create lives to be proud of in ways which reflect more than their just their gender. It also draws attention to the concept of intersectionality, highlighting the diverse inclusion of marginalised socio-cultural groups, an element of the third wave which many felt had been neglected in previous efforts. The Spice Girls showed little to no regard for the socio-economic boundaries formerly placed upon women’s consideration within feminist discussion. The group showed their audience that their feminist declarations were universal, encompassing all sexual preferences, races, political positions and class states (Weaver, 2019).
THEIR CHARACTERS, UNPICKED: DISPLAYS OF EMPOWERMENT OR SEXUALISATION?
The difficulties which arise from their statements of ‘girl power’ fall largely in relation to the concepts of identity and appearance. As identified by Dibden (1999, p. 344) the phrase “offers an empowering image of female identity,” but also “sustains [the] patriarchal constructions of femininity by pandering to the male gaze.” Much in a similar way to Fiske’s 1989 analysis of Madonna, the Spice Girls’ five characters: Baby, Sporty, Posh, Ginger and Scary, present as a “site of semiotic struggle between the forces of patriarchal control and feminine resistance” (Fiske, 2017, p. 79). Although their characters may be viewed by their young audience as inspirational, they present their own figurative dichotomy, aligning with five constructed definitions of feminine identity; Emma as innocent- a blue-eyed ‘Baby’, Geri as a provocative sex symbol, Mel B as a wildly fierce and independent woman, Mel C as the athletic ‘girl next door’ and Victoria as elegant and sophisticated (Lemish, 2003, p. 19/20). By both conforming and retaliating against traditional signifiers of feminine identity, the group raise the discussion of whether their appearances were personal acts of empowerment, or a tactic implemented in order to boost sales.
The depiction of two members particular illustrates the fetishization of women within music. Emma’s character ‘Baby’ frequently donned child-like pigtails and offered innocent gazes to the camera, whilst ‘Scary’ Spice frequently wore animal print which emphasised her being the only woman of colour (Smith, 1999, p. 46). These representations came to life within a number of music videos, most notably Who Do You Think You Are? which featured Mel B. crawling seductively towards the camera. The connotations of a woman of colour, clothed in multiple variations of cheetah-print with natural afro hair permeate discussions of both race and gender. The animalistic portrayal of ‘Scary Spice’ heightens her character’s physical sexualisation, but also alludes to racial fetishism by the powers which manage the group. But their representation of Mel B. as a woman of colour extends further than the video for Who Do You Think You Are? In Say You’ll Be There, as well as on other tracks, she sings much of the record’s ‘black’ musical sections, which references her heritage as a woman of mixed race. Her performances of the group’s more soulful or funk-based elements hark back to the legacy of traditional ‘black’ music (Dibbden, 1999, p. 345) and position Mel B. as a racial figure within group’s line-up. Once again in the Say You’ll Be There video, Dibbden comments on the irony of Emma (Baby) asserting her dominance: “The impact of the lyrics is heightened by having the words ‘I decided’ sung by the girl characterised as the least powerful of the group” (Dibden, 1999, p. 346). In several instances, the group falter to Fiske’s conclusion of flickering between being defiant and subordinate to patriarchal ideologies, and the analysis provided by Dibden brings these inconsistencies to the fore.
As demonstrated, the multi-faceted approach to the group’s identity representation raises the question of how theorists and audiences should view personal displays of sexuality that, although are claimed as acts of defiance (in the case of the Spice Girls, as an empowerment narrative), actually support patriarchal frameworks (Snyder-Hall, 2010, p.1). It has been noted that their identities can also be interpreted in that “their sexuality is expressed through fetishistic costumes… [and] arguably these are (partly) for themselves and for girl audiences” (Smith, 1999, p. 119). It is important to consider the politics of identity and appearance, and how women choose, as part of their feminine behaviours, to represent their values or beliefs. In agreeance with the earlier statement made by Fiske, it could be said that through their appearance, the group were offering counterstatements to patriarchal practice by positioning sexuality is something they personally controlled (Bae, 2001, p. 31). Whilst Victoria’s character ‘Posh’ exuded the physical characteristics of success (dressing in designer clothes and having a ‘sleek’ appearance), the alternate viewing of Mel C. in athleisure showed girls that success is not solely defined by the way that they look. As suggested by Fritzsche (2004, p. 160), the group’s success illustrates that prior to the Spice Girls’ inception, there was a distinct lack in female teen-icons who met the “feminist demands for new media representations of femininity”. In much the same way as Madonna, the group utilised fashion and style to appeal to their audience. By producing bold statements to accompany their looks in ways which challenged hegemonic beauty ideals, the group were able to encourage a more open approach to identity and sexuality within youth narratives (Fritzsche, 2004, p. 160).
SELLING OUT THE SPICE GIRLS
Eisenstein’s (2005, p. 488) analysis of the “unhappy marriage” between Marxism and Feminism can be largely applied to studies of the Spice Girls, as the group undertook a number of large endorsement and partnership deals, arguably exploiting their captive pre-teen audience. With their popularity continuing to snowball and the girl power message permeating all realms of youth culture, the group had emerged as a valuable commercial asset. It has since been recognised that the relationship between the feminist movement and capitalist ideologies has contributed greatly to the growth of commercial globalisation (Eisenstein, 2005, p. 488), and the Spice Girls were, as a result, accused of selling out for their involvement.
The group had moved away from the relatable icons they had once claimed to be, and instead had been positioned as desired commodities, mass marketed to boost global commercial success of the Spice Girls brand (Wild, 1997). As has previously been touched upon, the Spice Girls’ positioning as idealistic and empowered women attracted young female audiences, but the outfits which Geri or Victoria were often featured in situated them as targets for the male gaze. Riordan (2001, p. 291) argues that the Spice Girls’ commodification through beauty and fashion merchandise, encouraged this positioning, and as a result, showed their audience to do the same: “Spice Girl ideology” uses “beauty and sexuality as power, rather than encouraging girls to develop other means of acquiring power”. The argument being made here is that whilst ‘girl power’ in its simplest form encouraged young women to understand their personal worth, the commodification offered confusing dialogues which fed into the misogynistic practices they supposedly set to defy. Despite the former comments the group had faced regarding their supposed inability to sell magazines (Chisholm, 2018), the Spice Girls’ worth had significantly increased with their sexualised appearances and engaged young audience. “The Spice Girls embodied an idealized femininity and presented contradictory messages that reinforced capitalist and patriarchal social relations. They could be marketed [as] promoting a sexy feminism.” (Riordan, 2001, p. 291). This statement suggests that contrary to the one-dimensional inference of ‘girl power’, the group more often than not perpetuated patriarchal narratives rather than subvert them, marking themselves as contradictory feminist icons.
It must be argued however that there is a possibility that it was not only the audience who faced manipulation but the group themselves too. Lemish (2003, p. 22) highlights the exploitative element of the group’s commodification, noting that their young fans were often oblivious to the male puppeteers controlling the strings behind the Spice Girls brand. This relates back to the previous discussion surrounding their five-character types, but it must be added that the industry’s dependence of sex to sell records remains prominent within academic literature. Speaking of the video for Say You’ll Be There, Mel C. said, “Victoria was in a PVC catsuit, Geri was in thigh high PVC boots and we tied a guy up. We were so naïve it never crossed my mind what we were doing” (Chisholm, 2016). The extent to which the Spice Girls themselves controlled their commercial activities remains somewhat unknown, but if their manipulation in other aspects is as told, this would not be a surprising conclusion.
CONCLUSION
With little real social or political knowledge, the Spice Girls “forwarded a pragmatic and practical version of feminism based on their own experience: addressing interracial relationships and multiracial identities” (Sheridan-Rabideau, 2009, p. 47). Using music and style as their mediums, the group paved the way for the next generation of empowered and divisive women, uniting them all beneath a strong and powerful socio-political movement. However, as summarised by Stevens (2016), “Was it [Girl Power] a slogan that awakened millions of young girls to basic ideas of gender equality, or a vapid catchphrase used by marketing men to sap their pocket money, turning the political gains made by feminism into cheap consumerism?” The answer to the question posed by this paper and the above statement is not as black and white as it first may seem.
Spice was indeed a hugely successful release, and as Bravo (2018) comments, for a generation raised on boybands and barbies, five young women working their way to world domination “felt nothing short of revolutionary”, but its significance within the wider feminist movement is more difficult to comprehend. Their message of encouraging women to support each other and defy gender-bound expectations suggests that they should be noted as significant figures, having provided a strong, supportive limb for the wider third-wave movement. However, as the illusion of authenticity began to falter with the departure of Halliwell, the fragmented remains of their empowerment brand crumbled.
Spice and the women which performed it, showed girls that there was a space for them within male-dominated industries regardless of their ethnicity, appearance or class background, and in spite of some of the group’s questionable remarks, should be praised for their involvement with the movement. However, their contradictions continue to raise more questions than they ever managed to answer, and thus suggest that their significance to the movement will remain largely contested for decades to come.
*This piece was submitted for fullfillment of BA (Hons) Music Journalism Undergraduate Degree, achieving a 1:1 grading (80)*
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