Popular music fandom exists in a complex and highly contested cultural space. Since the days of Frank Sinatra, female fans have faced criticism for their vocal and often public expressions of affection. The treatment and perception of female music fans, in particular, differs greatly from that of other cultures, such as sport, television or gaming. However, as digital communications have altered the ways in which we lead our lives, music fandom behaviours have been reappraised under sociological and cultural studies. The rise of aca-fans in the late eighties saw a shift in the commentaries which surround this cultural phenomenon, yet exploration into the intricacies of fandom’s social benefits remained largely unexplored, asking the question, is there more to popular music fandom than initially meets the eye?
This dissertation builds upon the existing works of aca-fan scholars to investigate how fandom behaviours, activities and practices, can influence and enrich lives beyond a fan’s years of direct involvement. Through a comprehensive investigation into the One Direction fandom, our global study of nearly one-hundred-and-fifty fans showed an overwhelming appreciation for the hobbies and skills which have arisen from their experiences within the culture. A combination of research methodologies has enlightened us on the personal narratives which uphold music fandoms, allowing us to conclude that involvement with these cultures can greatly enhance the lives of those who participate. Exploring topics of mental health, fan-created works, social isolation and identity construction, this dissertation has brought attention to previously undocumented aspects of popular music fandom.
Keywords: fandom, popular music, one direction, adolescent development, influence, identity construction
Introduction
Sitting in one of the Soho Hotel’s grand suites, Bonnie, just twenty-one, is waiting to meet one of her teenage idols. Like many twenty-somethings, her days as a boyband fan are somewhat behind her. Once kissing her posters goodnight, she now kisses her boyfriend instead and can recite her bank details almost as well as she once could lyrics. But things have come full circle for Bonnie. As the Entertainment and Culture Writer for Grazia, she is here to interview Niall Horan, one-fifth of the former British and Irish boyband, One Direction.
Finishing in third place on the 2010 series of X-Factor UK, the then five-piece found themselves under the media’s glaring spotlight, along with their newly acquired fan base. Whilst fans showed support from their bedrooms, the two fostered a partnership that brought the traditional framework of fan culture into the twenty-first century. Affectionately known as “Directioners” millions of girls began devoting their lives to the band on social media. Here, they not only supported the band and their successes, but connected with each other to inspire and unite as a new generation of fans. Displays of affection mirrored those seen in the days of the Beatles, but little did fans know that these years would shape some of them into their adult lives.
Bonnie always speaks candidly about the stories she covers, so when the write up comes from her interview with Niall, her opening statement doesn’t shock me as a fellow fan. “I didn’t become a journalist because I wanted to write or because I cared about breaking important stories. Or even because it looked exciting on TV. I became a journalist because my dream was to one-day interview One Direction.” (McLaren, 2019).
But fan culture remains a divisive subject. Battling against a tide of negative commentaries and sexist remarks, it raises important questions regarding its real significance within popular culture. Is fandom more than a frivolous teenage activity or can its effects last longer than the lifetime of their favourite band? This paper sets to investigate the latter, looking to explore the benefits of integration within these cultures from not only academic perspectives but that of the fans too. Performed on a foundation of ethnographic study, it is expected that fandom participation will offer a wealth of social benefits for those involved, and thus challenge the criticisms historically associated with the phenomenon.
A Review of Established Literature: The Intricacies of 21st Century Fandom
Popular music fandom is now common practice amongst global youth cultures, with 82% of one 2019 survey reporting to have at some point involved themselves with fan activities (Klink and Minkel, 2019). To the outside eye, such affection-driven practices of art, literature, and communication represent what Rojek (2012, p. 4) refers to as “the neurotic, obsessional disorders that derive from celebrity culture.” Statements such as these align with the historical sociological reports which label fandom as a hallmark of social dysfunction (Jenson, 1992, p.9). However, with the rise of the aca-fan has come a new dimension of fan studies. As such, this review draws on reports from a breadth of academia, utilising fan studies, subcultural studies and studies of the star to bolster the findings presented later in this paper. This culmination of academic competencies provides a rounded understanding of not only why fandom operates in the way that it does, but also why it is a site of such controversial opinion.
Youth and Bedroom Culture
Socialised gender norms have historically denied women the ability to freely explore their sexuality, encouraging them to remain seen but not heard (Kearney, 2007, p. 138). McRobbie and Garber’s pioneering essay Girls and Subcultures underpins much of this section’s discussion for its relevance to bedroom culture and subsequent identity construction. Their analysis discussed the striking absence of girls within published subcultural studies, highlighting that if they were present, it was only in ways which reinforced heteronormative, feminine narratives (McRobbie and Garber, 2005, p. 105). Through their study, it was also suggested that the acceptance of media helped to shape youth culture into the structure it follows today (Lincoln, 2013, p. 316), recognising that the socialisation of such gender norms which the pair refer to, occurs in children’s formative years, dictating how they behave throughout adulthood (Discover Psychology, 2001). But when implementing these theories into the present image of female fan-culture, it illustrates the progressions which have occurred since the writing of Girls and Subcultures.
Through a combination of academia and socio-political movements, narratives surrounding women’s identities and sexuality have noticeably developed since the 1970s. McRobbie and Garber (2005, p. 109) exemplified Bridget Bardot, a significant and accessible female icon, as an illustrative figure in the re-appraisal of female sexuality, writing that the image of the ‘motor-bike girl’ “encoded female sexuality in a modern, bold and abrasive way”. This assertion permitted the expression of idol affection which had formerly been confined to the domestic and private sphere. For teenage girls, the bedroom remains a private space for which explorations of identity can occur (Lincoln, 2015, p.1), and although the fannish activities set out within McRobbie and Garber’s analysis differ to today’s model, their basic tropes remain the same.
Where fan-art once existed solely within a physical space, visual sharing networks such as Tumblr and Instagram have allowed the digital transferal of works from one private space to another. The adoption of computer-mediated communications [CMC] gave rise to large, global networks of fans (Bennet, 2014, p. 7), who now through common practice, utilise these platforms to share and discuss their creations. As a result, young women are now more engaged in the production of media texts (Kearney, 2007, p. 134), and are able to utilise bedroom media in active and empowering ways: “Participation and collaboration within online communities can support, inspire, and enable young people to become active creators of interactive media” (Brennan, Monroy-Hernandez and Resnick, 2010, p. 75). For the teenage girls who were historically confined to the limits of their bedroom, digital communications offer an entirely new dynamic for production. Online communities permit the ability for fans to develop their crafts, communicate with those previously unreachable, and expand upon the wealth of media already immediately accessible to them (Brennan, Monroy-Hernandez and Resnick, 2010, p. 82). These behaviours inspire young women to assert a female voice within digital media spaces and their studies, a previously unimaginable concept in the times of McRobbie and Garber.
Relationships
“It’s in our nature to want to form relationships with others—even if they don’t know who we are.” (Young, 2016)
Another of female fan culture’s unique intricacies is the relationships which form between the fans and their idols. Teenage music fandom focuses inherently on the celebrities they admire, and this has historically played a key role in the marketing of male groups and artists. Horton and Wohl (1956, p. 215) established the idea of para-social relationships, a behaviour observed largely within mass media texts where the relationship between the audience and the idol is one-sided. This theory is often applied to the studies which involve female teenage fans and recognises the experience in a predominantly positive light. Erickson (2017, p.2) noted that para-social relationships can influence a several factors within teenage girls, including their beliefs of relationships romantic and non-romantic, partner ideals, relationship expectations and the state of their overall mental health. 92.6% per cent of one study reported having had romantic feelings towards a media celebrity throughout early adolescence, with 78% of those surveyed reporting their crushes to be real media figures (Erickson, 2017, p. 92). But in the technologically enhanced world of twenty-first-century fandom, feelings towards romanticised idols are often heightened. Never before has it been easier to unearth information on our idols, and as such, fans develop a sense of pseudo-knowledge. But it is these imagined relationships which contribute to the negative commentaries which surround fandom behaviours. The investigative aspect of para-social relationships draws strong comparisons to the act of stalking (Spitzberg, 2014), and fosters traits which largely contribute to the disrepute of fandom’s culture: “Responses fall along a continuum, ranging from ‘normal’ adoration to ‘extreme’ obsession” (Merskin, 2008, p. 1).
Ultimately these perceptions have historically depicted fandom as an obsessive and dangerous practice, and despite a wealth of commentaries which reject this opinion, it still prevails in certain media discourses.
The Legitimacy of Teenage Fandom
“There is no greater cultural crime a young girl can commit than loving pop music without apology.” (Lancaster, 2015)
Academia and popular music possess a significant but strained relationship. It is accepted that pop music fan cultures are subject to ridicule far more than any other related culture. As posited by Mendelsohn (2020), football fans who display similar behaviours do not face criticisms in the same way as teenage girls with boyband culture. Rather than include all historical attempts to delegitimize the concept of teenage fandom, we shall refer to the work of the New Stateman’s, Paul Johnson. His controversial article in the wake of Beatlemania remains one of the most significant negative commentaries to exist on music fandom: “Those who flock round the Beatles, who scream themselves into hysteria, are the least fortunate of their generation, the dull, the idle, the failures.” (Johnson, 1964). His blasphemous attempt to disrepute fans of the Beatles lies largely concerning the acceptance of popular rock music, which Cloonan (2005, p. 80) writes to have only received endorsement as a noteworthy art form in the years that followed Sergeant Pepper. The rejection of popular music as a significant listening experience has undoubtedly contributed to the criticisms of popular music fandom. However, since Lewis (1992, p. 1) began to question why fans had been historically “sensationalised by the press, [and] mistrusted by the public”, scholarship on fandoms and their behaviours gradually began to shift.
Channel 4’s documentary Crazy About One Direction (2013) followed several ‘superfans’ in exploring the culture’s principal world of fanart, member ‘shipping’ and their various online activities. Its narrative aligned the featured fans with the hysterical and infantile associations formerly applied to fan culture, creating uproar online amongst fans who both observed and participated. It was believed that the documentary misrepresented a large majority of the fandom (Sandvoss et al., 2017, p. 4), with one girl Lauren later writing on her experience that, “People from school were tweeting like ‘Oh, I can’t believe Lauren Hutcheon’s not on this doc’ because that’s how weird people thought we were” (Hutcheon, 2019).
Perceptions of those who engage with fan culture often form from how institutions present their reports. Within discussions of the roles of participant and observer, fan cultures are often introduced to spectators as the societal ‘other’, due to their association and inclusivity of existing marginalised groups (Sandvoss et al. 2017, p. 4). Fandom is presented in such a way that it exists within two contradictory states; it is celebrated by the fans themselves, yet marginalised by those who observe (Sherman, 2016), creating a binary force which fans often struggle to navigate. This positioning of fans as the “other” creates what Hills (2002, p. 80) describes as a “moral dualism of ‘us’ versus ‘them’”, where the perceived divide between the participant and the observer increases. Engagement with such cultures evokes the application of social stigma, despite the positive emotional benefits which aca-fan studies have been able to conclude upon. When the culture of fandom differs from that of the mainstream, fans find themselves shamed for their involvement (Zubernis and Larsen, 2012, p. 9).
The Role of The Celebrity
Bowlby’s 1958 psychoanalysis on the relationship between a child and its parent serves as an interesting foundational read for this segment of discussion. He writes that in a child’s developmental stages they acquire ‘attachment behaviour’, where they rely upon a parental figure to guide and reassure them (Bowlby, 1958, p. 351). Blos (1967, p. 163) views this as the “loosening of infantile subject ties in order to become a member of the adult world”, seeking self-sufficiency under the guidance of new, more relatable figures. This normative behavioural stage in adolescence lends itself largely to the nature of fandom. Teenagers, who in the present-day face bombardment by media texts on television, and social media, for example, place greater emphasis on the role of these media icons within their own lives (Giles and Maltby, 2004, p. 814). With this suggestion applied to the context of adolescent fandom, young people often attempt to align their lives with those who present themselves in mass-media texts. The idol’s consistent appearance within that young person’s life means that much in the same way as children view their parents, teenagers view favoured celebrities in similar contexts. Boyd (2007, p. 122) takes this one step further, commenting that “while many adults find value in socializing with strangers, teenagers are more focused on socializing with people they knew personally and celebrities that they adore.” This suggests that the significance of the celebrity within adolescent life links largely to feelings of comfort and acceptance. Teenagers feel more confident connecting with those they deem to have a likeness to, than those they know nothing about. As Boyd (2007, p. 122) continues, “music is cultural glue among youth”, and it is often this cultural form which connects individuals who otherwise may not interact. The pseudo-comfort provided within fandom communities, coupled with their desire for adolescent freedom contributes to teenagers viewing their idols as heroic-like “guardians” throughout the transitionary phase (Erikson, 1968, p. 128).
Within fan cultures, knowledge has long been considered a marker of fandom participation. Price and Robinson (2016, p. 5) highlight that certain members of the community commonly known as “gatekeepers”, collectively pool knowledge to share it with others in the community. In this way, this behaviour is exhibited in the form of online update accounts, where specific members operate in a news-like capacity to inform fellow fans of important information. Haney-Claus (2016, p. 52) identifies that these accounts are used to satisfy fan’s desires for new and updated information. Our desire to know everything about our idols upholds the media industry and positions the role of the celebrity higher within our hierarchy of significance.
Rojek (2001, p. 33) posits that celebrities express an ability to not only attract but maintain the attention of those who seek them. For many young audiences, media stars and celebrities “express an ideology of heroic individualism, upward mobility and choice in social conditions wherein standardisation, monotony and routine prevail.” (Rojek, 2001, p. 33) The relationship which emerges between star and fan marks the celebrity as an individual of power (Juntiwasarakij, 2018, p. 551), and this recognition manifests itself within the beliefs of their audience. However, as Rojek (2001, p. 33) continues to say, identification with the likes of celebrities subjects audiences to illusions of false consciousness. Whilst fans may feel empowered by the communities and relationships in which they immerse themselves, to what extent are they actually beneficial? “When we talk or think about celebrities, we are not referring to actual people, but to thoughts, concepts or mental impressions of those people” (Cashmore, 2014, p. 18). Gross (2018, p.15) takes this one step further within her study of the Harry Styles fandom, suggesting that celebrities are interpretable texts which allow audiences to position themselves in relation to their idols. This, therefore, implies that the significance of media icons to teenager’s lives is, in fact, relevant only to their personal experiences and beliefs. For example, if one was to consider their idol a character of inspiration or support, they would place greater significance on the role of that celebrity within their life, whilst if they were perhaps a passive-fan, their significance may be dramatically less.
Fandom and Creativity
Whilst fandom has traditionally existed outside of educational establishments, it has since been suggested that fan culture can engage students in academia by encouraging them to integrate areas of personal interest into their academic works (McConnel, 2019, p. 45). John Fiske, as a prominent voice within media and cultural studies, sheds great light on the subject of fandom as a vehicle for expression, interpretation and creativity. He notes that whilst all pop-culture audiences involve themselves with at least one form of semiotic productivity, fans advance this by translating signified meanings into forms of textual production (Fiske, 1992, p. 30). This production manifests itself within many of the activities commonly trivialised within fandom reception such as fanfiction, art, or cosplay. Fiske’s expansion on Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital is intrinsically linked to the discussion of fandom as not only a creative outlet but a fulfilling social experience. It is recognised that, in alignment with McConnel’s work, fans have been historically denied the opportunity to develop cultural capital through standardised and traditional channels (Fiske, 1992, p. 41), and as such, turn inwards to generate variations within individual communities. The belief that fan texts are not received in the same manner as those from the official culture arises from the issues of legitimacy raised earlier within this review. Fiske (1992, p. 39) however strongly disagrees with this statement, noting that “fans produce and circulate among themselves texts which are often crafted with production values as high as any in the official culture”. Rapid technological advancements have enhanced the visibility of works which emerge from within fan cultures.
The psychology behind fandom creativity makes for insightful reading. Ahlawat and Budhiraja (2016, p. 233) comment that “creativity is a cognitive process” which can offer insight into the performer’s psychological health. It is recognised that adolescence is a period in which young people are more exposed to a range of emotions, which, if not dealt with correctly, can manifest into unhealthy mood disorders. One study conducted by the ADAA (2014) revealed that as many as one in eight children are affected by anxiety disorders, with a prevalence of diagnoses occurring between the ages of thirteen and eighteen (NIMH, 2016). However, there is also evidence which establishes a link between artistic creativity and improved psychological health amongst adolescents. Undertaking creative activities [such as writing fanfiction or drawing fan art], possess the ability to empower, improve self-esteem and confidence, as well re-engage young people who may be struggling with poor psychological health (Bungay and Vella-Burrows, 2013, p. 51). It is a result of this link that the argument for fandom as a positive influence on adolescents emerged.
Scholarship has shown that although methods of creativity may develop between childhood and adulthood, the lasting positive psychological effects it can have do not differ: “The accumulation of knowledge, the sense of purpose, and the love of work exhibited by adults who produce something of extraordinary novelty and value are approximated by children and adolescents in their pursuits and underpin their creative productions” (Keegan, 1996, p. 65). Scholars have also, according to Hoff (2013, p. 407), established a correlation between those who have imaginative childhoods, with adults who enter the creative industries in later life. She notes that “frequent elaborated imagination and pretend play during childhood could be a necessary prerequisite for later creativity,” (Hoff, 2013, p. 408), a statement which supports the very topic this paper sets to explore. Whilst fandom creativity can take place in several different ways, we shall temporarily focus on the realm of fan fiction.
Fan Fiction
In their study of users on the site Fanfiction.net, Aragon and Davis (2019, p. 88) comment that their study showed 72.5 percent of users were between the ages of ten and twenty-years old and as such, within their personal stages of adolescent development. Perhaps the most dominant form of fandom textual production, fan fiction involves the reinterpretation of established media texts, allowing for personal opinion and the reimagination of idolized characters (Jamison, 2013, p. 17). The reception of such texts, however, has raised much sociological discussion. Women’s assertion of status through textual media creation is, as Jenkins (2013, p. 159) writes, more for personal gratification than wider acknowledgement or praise. When we discuss the arenas in which fan fiction is both created and distributed, it is often challenged by patriarchal narratives, and in line with the narratives which surround teenage fandom as a whole, those who write such fiction novels are predisposed to feelings of shame or trivialisation. Although fandoms function on an element of personal involvement, online interactions offer the ability to engage under a masked alias, allowing participation whilst remaining anonymous to avoid unwanted identification (Šesek and Pusnik, 2014, pg. 106 and 119). On the subject of media reception in his book, Textual Poachers, Henry Jenkins (2013, p. 19) writes that:
“It is telling, of course, that sports fans (who are mostly male and who attach significance to ‘real’ events rather than fictions) enjoy very different status than media fans (who are mostly female and attach great interest in debased forms of fiction); the authority to sanction taste, then, does not rest exclusively on issues of class but also encompasses issues of gender…”
Societal disregard for projects of female creation festers in the negative connotations which surround subjects such as fan fiction, exemplifying the ways in which wider culture adversely views the interests of women and young people (Barner, 2017, p. 7). The categorization of female arts as “childish or unworthy of study” (Dandrow, 2016, p. 8) demonstrates how gender narratives extend into all formats of cultural production, yet popular music fandom has in recent years, displayed an ability to translate works of fanfiction into mass media productions.
The work of Anna Todd began on the storytelling site Wattpad, a platform utilised by fans to share both long and short-form fictional products. Todd’s popular series, After, centred Harry Styles as her protagonist in 2013, yet reimagined the character as a freshman college student. Written from the perspective of a secondary character, Tessa, the story conforms to many of fanfiction’s conventional tropes, focusing on romance and sexual fantasy (Driscoll, 2013, p. 86). But the interest and popularity in After has seen the online series translated into several published books and a successful Netflix film adaptation (Bosker, 2018).
The subjects discussed within this review pertain greatly to the wider context of this paper. From this point on, the theories and works discussed will be applied to personal research undertaken within the field, undergoing rigorous analytical discussion to ultimately ascertain the extent of which fandom is viewed as an empowering vehicle for personal development.
Methodology
In Plugged In, Valkenburg and Piortowki (2017, p.3) suggest that research into topics relating to media and youth studies should utilise theories from a breadth of investigatory disciplines. As such, this ethnographic study utilises a number of methodological frameworks. Crowe et al. ( 2011, p. 1) recognise that the application of a case study “allows in-depth, multi-faceted explorations of complex issues in their real-life settings” and the One Direction fandom have acted in this capacity, allowing for tailored investigation into the habits, behaviours and feelings which emerge from within popular music fandoms. Our primary research methods have adopted both qualitative and quantitative elements, reaping the benefits which both formats offer within sociological studies (Johnson et. al. 2007, p. 124). Data was collected through several digitally enhanced methodologies which included two surveys, several interviews and a digital focus group.
Online Surveys
Clusters of fans were identified across Facebook, Twitter and Tumblr with two surveys distributed between January and April of 2020. Both utilised a mixed-method approach and included a combination of open and closed questioning. In line with the guidance given by Hassan, Schattner and Mazza, (2006, p. 70) a pilot survey was distributed to test question phrasing and the effectiveness of planned recruitment strategies. Findings from the pilot survey allowed us to improve the final survey’s participation rate by including fewer questions and having a more explanatory opening statement which described the survey’s objectives. The first survey sought to understand the general attitudes of fans who participate in the One Direction fandom. This survey incorporated demographic questions, Likert, matrix and rating scales, as well as the open-ended questions already discussed. This variety was used to keep participants engaged and attentive throughout what remained a fairly lengthy questionnaire, minimising drop-out rates and maximising the number of responses (Raphael, 2018).
A similar tactic was adopted in the second survey which investigated fan’s relationships with fanfiction. This survey utilised the Likert scale more intrinsically, allowing “the individual to express how much they agree or disagree with a particular statement” (McLeod, 2019), but it is recognised that responses generated through this scale are at risk of being affected by social desirability bias (McLeod, 2019). To minimise the risk of participants displaying this bias, I introduced myself as a fan first and foremost rather than a researcher. This survey was distributed to a smaller sample who openly shared their fan fiction on social networks. Of course, with a smaller sample, there is an increased risk of the researcher assuming a “false premise” (Faber and Fonseca, 2014, p. 28) which may not accurately reflect the beliefs of the wider fandom. To address this issue and ensure that findings were not only accurate but also reproducible, some of the questions were reapplied within the focus group. This, as will be discussed later, solidified the feedback given and indicated that the data presented by this study would be largely reflective of the wider beliefs of the fandom.
Focus Group
Six fans from Australia, Northern Ireland, Spain, India, Philippines, and the US participated in an online focus group during April of 2020. It has been noted by Hayes (2000, p. 395) that “It may sometimes be necessary to have single-sex groups in similar age ranges in order for the atmosphere to be permissive and relaxed”, so our cohort consisted of females between the ages of eighteen and twenty-four who all had a shared interest with the case study. The session lasted for thirty-five minutes and was recorded by audio for later transcription (Appendix FG). A focus group was chosen over individual interviews with these participants because as Clarke (1999, p. 395) writes, “group members influence each other with their comments, and participants may form opinions after considering the views of others. Tapping into this interpersonal dialogue can help identify common experience and shared concerns.” The natural flow of conversation presented related topics which had not been considered within preliminary questioning. As such, the semi-structured approach of the focus group permitted me as the researcher to press for further explanation on certain topics.
Interviews
Bell (2005, p. 157) states that one of the major benefits of interviewing rather than surveying is that researchers have the ability to probe for explanations and delve deeper into discussion. Interviewees were found through online observation on social media, having publicly combined their passion for fandom with other works such as art, literature or further education. Before commencement and in line with ethical guidelines, it was ensured that participants had read and signed consent forms (Appendix IC). Similarly, to the focus group, interviews adopted a more structured approach, allowing for personal questions to be answered whilst still offering interviewees “the freedom to express their views in their own terms.” (Cohen, 2006). Discussions investigated how their involvement within fandom had inspired them in other aspects of their life, offering valuable insight into the personal development area of this research. Gray (1998, p. 12) considers this method to be known as ‘narrative inquiry’, and “is most appropriate when the researcher is interested in portraying intensely personal accounts of human experience.” This strategy is not limited solely to the interviews but applies to all methods utilised throughout our primary research.
Addressing Concerns of Reliability and Bias
Fan culture is an everchanging subject of investigation and it’s paramount that research is truly reflective of the culture’s present state. Triangulation was implemented to guarantee that results were both valid and reproducible. Access to the One Direction fandom came from personal former involvement with the community, and I was able to invite fans to engage with the study through direct immersion in the culture. However, personal interest in this study and a number of topics within it raises questions surrounding researcher bias, and it must, therefore, be considered within this methodology. Preliminary research was undertaken prior to writing in order to eliminate the possibility of confirmation bias. Questions were reviewed by external parties to check for bias with amendments made accordingly. Whilst personal beliefs have been held throughout this study, it has been ensured that they remained excluded in the collation and analysis of data sets.
Project Activity
It was decided in the early stages of this project that the preliminary survey would build upon the topics of the pilot. The pilot survey allowed me to create a median age for those participating (22), and this helped to identify our target demographic – those between the ages of 18-26 who had grown up as part of the culture. It was likely that for the majority of those who would engage in the survey, their most active days within the fandom would be behind them. But their experiences remain integral to the wider discussion of this dissertation’s subject, as we know from secondary research that fandom practices have not changed much during the lifetime of this specific community.
Our Surveys
Our survey into the general attitudes of One Direction fans was distributed between January 22nd and March 22nd and proved to be a valuable resource for mass data collection. Fans demonstrated great willingness to contribute to the research and we attained 67 responses after excluding those who were not over the age of 18. We were able to gather a global sample, giving us great insight into the socio-cultural influences which may also affect the fan’s attitudes or experiences. However, as was anticipated, some fans were reluctant to elaborate on their responses and wished to remain anonymous. As such, some of these responses were used to influence discussions within the focus group, including teenage mental health and fandom participation. I was wary to begin forming my own conclusions from these survey responses without gaining the opinions of other fans first.
The second survey focused solely on the fan’s relationships with fan fiction creation and consisted of only 13 questions. These respondents were found mostly from Tumblr where fanfiction is frequently shared, but also from sites such as Wattpad and AO3. The survey link was shared on my personal Tumblr account along with a brief description and invitation for people to share the post with others who may be interested. Fans were also contacted directly after finding them through relevant search hashtags such as #OneDirectionFanfiction, #OneDirectionImagines and #1DFanfic. 48 participants were surveyed between 12th March and 12th April, with no ethical issues encountered. Tumblr proved to be an incredibly effective tool in not only contacting but also engaging participants with the survey, and many offered further comments if needed. This survey also allowed us to produce a number of graphs and diagrams which will be presented within the findings chapter of this paper.
Focus Group
The undertaking of a focus group was both helped and hindered by the developments of COVID-19. Initially, a different sample had been chosen to partake in a face-to-face focus group, but as physical restrictions tightened, this option was no longer appropriate. Instead, a new sample was selected, with one participant having undertaken the survey into culture attitudes. Otherwise, participants were found via social media, but with the global nature of this sample, time zones and availability proved a challenge to orchestrate. However, it was eventually agreed that the focus group would take place on April 11th via Zoom. As has been previously mentioned, some of the topics raised within the preliminary survey were repositioned within the focus group to qualify the validity of results. This allowed us to achieve clarity on some of the comments which had previously been made from the perspectives of others who either agreed or disagreed with certain comments. During the discussion, the conversation turned to mental health which had not initially been anticipated within my preparations, so I briefly interrupted to ensure that everyone was happy to continue with this line of discussion. After confirming that they were, this segment of the focus group illuminated some interesting perspectives which had not been previously considered.
Interviews
The interviewing stage occurred throughout April and the early half of May, with participants gathered from a period of online observation which had occurred two months prior. Two interviews were conducted with people who had incorporated their passion for the band and the wider fandom into works outside of the recreational realm. One interviewee Brodie had been cited within the literature review and was more than willing to discuss how her perceptions of One Direction and their fans had changed after she investigated the culture herself. Another participant, Charlotte, chose to design her entire final major project on a hypothetical collaboration between Harry Styles and Gucci. These interviews were conducted either via Zoom or over email depending on the participant’s preference. Both women demonstrate that fandom activities can develop into other areas of participant’s lives, and they agreed that fandom participation had been a positive experience for them both.
The combination of methods and subjects discussed above provided valuable insight into the feelings of those who involve themselves in the One Direction fandom. Some of the findings, which will be discussed shortly, evidentially supported the hypothesis posed by this paper. Primary research has offered a snapshot into the practices, attitudes and beliefs of the One Direction fandom, and has shown the case study to be one of great ethnographical value.
Project Findings
This chapter presents the findings and results of our primary research, interpreting data from two surveys as well as considering how comments made within the focus group and interviews relate to some of the existing literature reviewed earlier within this dissertation. This study generated a wealth of primary data which cannot be guaranteed discussion within this chapter, therefore full documents, transcriptions and visual aids can be found under the appendices chapter beginning on page 38.
Survey One: General Fandom Attitudes of “Directioners”
Key Points:
• 48 participants recorded fandom as holding significant meaning within their lives.
• Popular activities included fanfiction, fan-art, physical and digital projects, and maintaining online fan accounts.
• Fan activities are integral to the wider culture. 34.5% of the sample had written fanfiction at some point in their fandom careers, and 30.1% had created fanart under the same circumstances.
• 80.6% of the sample believe fandom participation to have helped them within other aspects of their lives such as improving linguistic skills and developing confidence in social settings.
• A large proportion of the sample would be likely to recommend their fandom to others.
As has previously been touched upon within the Project Activity chapter, this questionnaire was distributed in order to understand the general attitudes of One Direction fans. Following demographic questioning, fans were encouraged to share their experiences in relation to participation, media portrayal, as well as on and offline communications. These answered provided great insight into the reasons why fandom is so popular amongst young people, and the degrees of significance which they place on its involvement within their lives.
Of the 67 fans surveyed, the strong majority fell between the ages of 18 and 24 (Appendix GA1). Participants responded from 25 different countries including the US, UK, India, Spain, Singapore, Sweden, and several South American countries, all identifying as female. The sample’s median age was 22.4 years, and as such, their competence with digital creativity mediums was not at all surprising. Online observation of the fandom at work demonstrates their adoption of these mediums to enhance their notoriety amongst other fandom cultures, and this survey also showed how they maximise its potential for their own personal benefits.
When asked to elaborate on how participation had inspired some of the fans, common answers included improved language skills, creativity, confidence within social settings, and general improved confidence within themselves. When later asked if they felt they had generally benefitted from their time in the fandom, 80.6% said yes. This figure is significant not only to this study, but to the wider study of community activities which occur throughout adolescents. Our sample showed that the majority of fans joined before they turned sixteen (Appendix GA4), and as has previously been discussed within the literature review, these years are some of the most influential on young people as they mature into adulthood.
Survey Two: Fanfiction and You
Key Points:
• 22.2% of the sample use fanfiction as a creative outlet and a combined total of 17.7% write to improve their English and linguistic skills.
• 91.7% of the sample believe they have benefitted from writing fanfiction works.
• Despite believing there to be a stigma surrounding fan-fiction creation, 83.9% still share their works with others.
These two results directly correlate to the culture’s questioned legitimacy as discussed within the literature review, however, despite the criticisms, the sample demonstrated an air of resilience which manifests within the culture. When asked why they wrote fanfiction, 19.3% said that it allowed them to escape from reality, and 22.2% said that it performed as a creative outlet (Appendix FF4).
These admissions are meaningful towards the wider study in two separate ways. Firstly, if fans are viewing creative avenues as a distraction from reality, what are some of the real issues they are facing? This was a subject discussed later within the focus group, but ultimately, further investigation is required in order to draw valuable and reliable conclusions. Secondly, fans are writing works which largely aid in the construction of their ideal-selves and scenarios. Works which fans define as ‘smut’ are, as one participant suggested, “used to explore sexuality when access to a partner is either inappropriate or impossible...” This study found that of the sample, 20 created works that are a mixture
This comment supports the posited benefits of parasocial relationships previously presented within the literature review and links to the established developmental milestones completed throughout adolescence. Although fans below the age of eighteen were excluded from this study, Aragon and Davis’ (2019, p.88) investigation into users of the site Fanfiction.net showed that the majority were between the ages of ten and twenty. In the case of these teenagers, this suggests a link between the subjects covered in fanfiction and the difficulties faced within adolescent development, with fans using these mediums to explore teen-centric issues in safe and comfortable environments.
Focus Group (Appendix FG)
Key Points:
• Fandom is largely viewed by those involved as a community venture.
• It is still felt that there is a stigma surrounding fandom, but attitudes are beginning to shift.
• It is believed that there may be a link between mental health issues and fandom participation.
• Fandom can be used as a supportive tool for adolescents.
Many of the group’s commentaries validated the findings which emerged from our previous two surveys, but this group were keen to identify the fandom as a community venture. When asked how she may describe the fandom to an onlooker, Isha commented that:
“This community is amazing. We help each other out, we care for each other, supporting one another and just making sure we're all okay. From being involved, it's clear to see that they weren't just supporting the band, but they were creating relationships with other fans too.”
Her perception of the fandom aligned closely to the thoughts of her peers, with Francesca, from The Philippines offering the suggestion that it allows fans a chance to connect with other cultures which may not otherwise be accessible to them.
However, one main school of thought was identified from the responses gained through this method. The group agreed that the band and the fandom had provided emotional support throughout their teenage years. Although some participants still fall within the considered age of adolescents, Georgia (21) and Paula (24) offered some astute points relating to life beyond the fandom. Paula openly described how a troubling time in her teens opened her eyes to the world of possibility portrayed through fandom. She spoke of how socialising with others online helped to increase her confidence, and that fandom offered her an escape. She also credits her love for writing to fandom, commenting that “it helped me articulate my thoughts into something constructive rather than destructive.” The activities and behaviours which uphold the fan community were discussed rigorously within the group, and again, Paula raised a potential link between mental health and fandom participation:
“I think we now live in such an age that teenagers face a lot of stress and anxiety in their daily lives and being creative is such a good escape from all of that. Like some people use sport, but I think for those of us who are more introverted, being able to work away on something by yourself is equally as great of an escape.”
The group generally agreed that they turn to the fandom in times of trouble, and Georgia furthered this by saying that music as a medium can be more powerful than many realise. “I think a lot of people use music to get away from their troubles. Like someone said earlier, I can’t remember who, a lot of us grew up listening to this band so of course, it becomes such an integral part of your life that you identify and attach yourself to it.”
Cross analysing these findings with those from the earlier surveys, we’re able to establish an internal discourse within the One Direction fandom. Those surveyed and interviewed tend to agree that communicating with other fans helps them within their lives, whether that be on a personal level or a fan level. The community spirit which fandom displays is integral to its function and many take this notion forward when they leave the culture.
Interviews (Appendix IT)
Key Points:
• Involvement in the One Direction fandom has allowed them to develop thoughts and skills which translate into employment and wider life.
• Their experiences within the fandom have visibly enhanced their works.
Interviews were conducted with fans who have taken their passion for music fandom and incorporated it into their wider careers and hobbies. Discussions covered topics such as inspiration, public reception, and how they combine their passion for the band with their personal work. Brodie Lancaster is a freelance journalist who has written for publications like Pitchfork, The Guardian and Rolling Stone, covering topics of popular culture and wider society. Within her journalism, she has written openly about how her opinions of One Direction changed after she was shown one of the band’s music videos. She commented on how “cynical” she used to be about the band and their fans, having spent her teenage years resisting pop-music in favour of alternative and indie genres. When asked about how others have previously reacted to her band-based articles, she said that “Some people are resistant to believe there can be any kind of intellectual conversation about a band like One Direction. Largely, it was writing about One Direction that launched a good portion of my writing career, which made me realise there was a hunger for music fans to understand this world, and there was a desire for fans to be understood by outsiders. As long as misogyny exists, people will criticise or look down on young women and, as a consequence, judge the objects of their affections harshly.” This statement echoes the thoughts presented throughout this dissertation, yet she, along with those from the focus group, agree that discourses are changing slightly: “In the time that I've been writing and reading about fandom though, the general consensus has shifted significantly – to the point where any new "in defence of fangirls" article now feels like it's rehashing work that's been done before”.
Within our interviews, both Brodie and Charlotte spoke with great affection for the band and their fans.
Charlotte completed her degree in Fashion Brand Marketing in 2019, where she incorporated her
love for Harry Styles into her final major project (Appendix C1 and C4). When speaking with her, she commented on how the fandom had influenced her daily life more than she could have ever anticipated: “Being part of this fandom for such a consistent and long period has quite honestly changed the course of my life. At some point, I’d love for my job to involve working alongside or as part of a community as strong as a fandom because there really is nothing like it! I know how impactful this experience has been in shaping me as a person, and I’d love to continue that passion within my career.” Like some of the band’s other dedicated fans, she recently got a lyrical tattoo of one of her favourite songs (Appendix C1). Both women gave positive testimonies to their experience of fan culture, appreciating some of the emotional benefits which fandom has to offer. When asked if there was anything in particular, she would take from her involvement, Charlotte said, “I’ve learnt empathy, understanding, unity and dedication in my experience as a fan has made me a brighter and better version of myself.” Brodie acknowledged a similar view, commenting that within one of her published books, she thanked the band for teaching her to be receptive to people from cultures she has not yet experienced.
Generally, the data gathered through primary research supported not only existing literature but the hypothesis this paper presented, in that fandom participation offers fans an enriching and life-long experience which enhances the lives of those who participate.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Fandoms continue to illustrate their influence on young people around the world; their popularity only increasing as time marches on. The community which surrounds One Direction have proven themselves as a strong force of reckoning, supporting not only the band and their subsequent solo careers, but their fellow fans who unite with the same purpose. This dissertation has highlighted the significance of this group within wider fan studies and has provided valuable insight into the habits and behaviours currently present within popular music fan cultures. Directioners have embraced the challenges of advancing digital technologies to enhance the experiences they receive through fandom participation. Their creativity, imagination, devotion and resilience have built a community which, at their peak, dominated the popular music landscape, and even now, five years on from the group’s formal disbandment, they remain notorious within wider fan culture.
This study has shown just some of the benefits immersion within these cultures can have on young people. The imagined romances which dominate teenage fanfiction have been shown to encourage identity construction, with other forms of fan-creativity also endorsed by fellow community members and academics alike. The criticisms and commentaries fans frequently face teach the art of reliance first-hand, illustrating how communication can single-handedly knock, or nurture relationships with others. Yet perhaps most importantly, fandoms are viewed as safe spaces where those who participate can be truly themselves. In these spaces, issues of gender, race or sexuality are pushed aside to make way for activities which demonstrate unity and equality. Popular music fandom possesses a unique trait in its ability to unite people from around the world under one set objective, whilst simultaneously permitting individual expression, exploration and personal development. As this study’s research has shown, this combination visibly enhances the lives of those who participate in such communities, ultimately supporting the hypothesis posed by this dissertation.
In so far as suggesting recommendations for further study, I believe this area to be both fruitful and rewarding for anyone who chooses to investigate it. A comparison of Directioners with a contrasting community would make for interesting analysis, for example, looking into how the behaviours of fans differ within male-dominated fandoms, or from cultures of indie or alternative music. Do the same practices apply for fans of The 1975 as they do for One Direction? These topics would offer a unique yet connected perspective relating to the hypothesis confirmed by this paper. However, I strongly believe that there is more to be extracted from within the One Direction fandom. The studies undertaken within this dissertation have only begun to scratch the surface on some of the competencies this fandom pride themselves on. Whilst this dissertation has successfully considered the personal and emotional benefits of fandom participation amongst young people, it has failed to fully observe how it continues to affect them as they mature throughout adulthood. As such, further study could build upon the conclusions drawn from this dissertation to enlighten fan-scholars on some of the longer-term effects which emerge from participation.
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